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John F. Kennedy's Inaugural
Address
Friday, January 20, 1961
Vice
President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President
Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend
clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of
party, but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end, as well
as a beginning—signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have
sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our
forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
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| The world is very different now. For man holds in
his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty
and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary
beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around
the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the
generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. |
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| We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of
that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and
place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to
a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by
war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient
heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of
those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed,
and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. |
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| Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or
ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any
hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure
the survival and the success of liberty. |
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| This much we pledge—and more. |
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| To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual
origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.
United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative
ventures. Divided, there is little we can do—for we dare not
meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. |
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| To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of
the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control
shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more
iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting
our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly
supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past,
those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger
ended up inside. |
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| To those peoples in the huts and villages across the
globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our
best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is
required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because
we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society
cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are
rich. |
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| To our sister republics south of our border, we
offer a special pledge—to convert our good words into good
deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and
free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this
peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile
powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to
oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let
every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the
master of its own house. |
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| To that world assembly of sovereign states, the
United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments
of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our
pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for
invective—to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak—and
to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. |
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| Finally, to those nations who would make themselves
our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both
sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of
destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or
accidental self-destruction. |
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| We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when
our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond
doubt that they will never be employed. |
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| But neither can two great and powerful groups of
nations take comfort from our present course—both sides
overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed
by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter
that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's
final war. |
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| So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides
that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always
subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us
never fear to negotiate. |
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| Let both sides explore what problems unite us
instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. |
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| Let both sides, for the first time, formulate
serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of
arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under
the absolute control of all nations. |
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| Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science
instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer
the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and
encourage the arts and commerce. |
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| Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the
earth the command of Isaiah—to "undo the heavy burdens ...
and to let the oppressed go free." |
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| And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the
jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new
endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law,
where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace
preserved. |
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| All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.
Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life
of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this
planet. But let us begin. |
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| In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in
mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since
this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been
summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of
young Americans who answered the call to service surround the
globe. |
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| Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to
bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though
embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long
twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope,
patient in tribulation"—a struggle against the common
enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. |
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| Can we forge against these enemies a grand and
global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a
more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic
effort? |
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| In the long history of the world, only a few
generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its
hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this
responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us
would exchange places with any other people or any other
generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to
this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and
the glow from that fire can truly light the world. |
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| And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your
country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country. |
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| My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what
America will do for you, but what together we can do for the
freedom of man. |
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| Finally, whether you are citizens of America or
citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of
strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience
our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds,
let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and
His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be
our own.
I'm prepared to die -- Nelson Mandela
Their Finest Hour -- Winston Churchill
The Gettysburg Address -- Abraham Lincoln
I have a Dream -- Martin Luther King Jr
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